SYDNEY, Australia — During her second week waitressing at a barbecue restaurant in Sydney, a customer asked Yating Yang if she was Chinese. “No, I’m Taiwanese,” she said.
澳大利亚悉尼——那是杨雅婷在悉尼一家烧烤餐馆工作的第二个星期。一位客人问她是否是中国人。“不,我是台湾人,”她说。
Her boss, who was from mainland China, never gave her another shift.
她从中国大陆来的老板再也没有排过她的班。
Man-Tzu Tuan said her loyalty test came even sooner: on her first day at a hot pot restaurant in a comfortable Sydney suburb. “Is Taiwan part of China?” her manager asked in Mandarin over a walkie talkie. “No, definitely not,” she said.
段曼姿说她的忠心测试来得竟然更快:当她第一天在悉尼市郊一家火锅餐厅上班时,她的经理在对讲机上用普通话问她,“台湾是不是中国的?”“当然不是,”她回答。
A half-hour later, she was fired.
半小时后,她被解雇了。
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China’s assertiveness has already set off alarms in Australia, with officials warning that Beijing has been meddling in Australian politics more than the public realizes. But the experiences of Ms. Yang and Ms. Tuan — along with many others — reveal how Chinese nationalism is also affecting private enterprise, and in some cases, leading to accusations of discrimination.
中国的强势早已在澳大利亚敲响警钟。政府官员警告,北京干涉澳洲内政的程度远远超过公众认知。但是杨小姐、段小姐以及很多其他人的事例,显示了中国民族主义也在影响着私人企业。在一些案例中,这些中国私人企业被控歧视。
Australia’s fair work laws make clear that an employer cannot discriminate against an employee or prospective employee because of the person’s “political opinion, national extraction or social origin.” But experts and Taiwanese workers say that is exactly what many Chinese business owners are doing, with few repercussions.
澳大利亚的公平工作法明文规定,雇主不可因“政治观点、国家出身或社会根源”而歧视一名员工或潜在员工。但是专家和来自台湾的务工者们说,这恰恰是很多中国老板正在做的事情,而且此类行为几乎没有后果。
“It’s getting more noticeable,” said Yao-Tai Li, a Taiwanese sociologist at Hong Kong Baptist University who has studied Chinese migration to Australia and work conditions. “Chinese nationalism is growing, but the Australian government doesn’t really take any big actions; they keep it ambiguous.”
“这种情况变得越来越明显了,”香港浸会大学的台湾社会学家李耀泰说。他曾研究过赴澳的中国移民和他们的工作环境。“中国民族主义在抬头,但是澳大利亚政府并没有什么重大的相应措施;一切都很含糊不清。”
解雇段曼姿的悉尼餐厅“胡同涮肉”。
解雇段曼姿的悉尼餐厅“胡同涮肉”。 David Maurice Smith for The New York Times
Few countries have benefited as much from China’s rise as Australia, which is in its 27th year without a recession in large part because of Chinese trade and investment.
在中国崛起的过程中,几乎没有其他国家像澳大利亚得益这么多。今年已经是澳大利亚的经济连续第27年增长,不曾衰退。很大程度上,这都是仰仗于中国的贸易和投资。
But along with Chinese money has come Chinese migration. Hundreds of thousands of mainland Chinese have immigrated to Australia in the past decade. Many of them have brought ideas for businesses, but also an ideology that stresses the unity of China, viewing Taiwan as a rebellious province that broke away in 1949.
但是跟着中国资金一起来的还有中国移民。在过去十年里,数十万中国大陆移民定居澳大利亚。他们中的许多人带来了生意点子,但也带来了强调中国统一的意识形态,视台湾为一个1949年叛出的省份。
And as China’s government has intensified a crackdown on those who fail to recognize its One China policy — from human rights advocates to corporations like the Marriott hotel chain — members of the Chinese diaspora have similarly taken up the cause on a more personal scale.
同时,中国政府正在强化对不承认“一个中国”政策的个人或企业的打击——从人权活动者到像万豪连锁酒店这样的公司——许多海外华人在个人层面上自觉担起了相似的打击任务。
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Their efforts have added to a sense of Chinese ubiquity: For anyone who identifies as Taiwanese, supports Taiwan’s independence — or even inadvertently refers to Taiwan as a country — Chinese nationalism has become a threatening and unrelenting presence, like a smog that never lifts.
他们的努力让人觉得中国无处不在:对于任何自认为是台湾人,支持台湾独立,甚至曾因疏忽将台湾称为国家的人来说,中国的意识形态像是永不散开的雾霾,已经变成一种威胁性极强,并绝不松懈的存在。
In Australia, service workers, professionals and students from Taiwan have all described gatherings with mainland colleagues and acquaintances where the default setting is that Taiwan and China are one country.
在澳大利亚,来自台湾的服务业工作者、专业人士和学生都讲到了与大陆同事或朋友聚会时,会假设大家立场一致,认为中国和台湾是同一个国家。
Disagreement is not encouraged.
反对意见并不受欢迎。
“Even people who are very pro-Taiwan often don’t want it to be known publicly,” said Roger Huang, 35, a Taiwanese academic who helped organize last year’s Sydney Taiwan Festival. “Self-censorship is very real.”
“即使非常亲台的人也不想公开让别人知道,”35岁的台湾学者黄吕琛说。他去年协助组织了悉尼台湾日嘉年华会。“自我审查是真的存在。”
Some people from Taiwan explain that the most nationalistic Chinese often have a “glass heart,” meaning they are easily offended by disagreement.
一些台湾人解释说,大多数民族主义的中国人都是“玻璃心”,很容易被不同意见触怒。
Others note that many people in Taiwan consider the island part of China and that, given the economic benefits, good relations are necessary.
另一些人说,也有许多台湾人认为台湾是大陆的一部分。基于大陆能够带来的经济利益,良好的两岸关系十分必要。
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“Discussing politics is bad for business,” said Antonio Guo, 65, the Taiwanese owner of a restaurant in a north Sydney suburb. “People get agitated.”
“谈政治对生意不好,”65岁的台湾人郭忠和说。他是悉尼北部一家餐馆的老板。“大家的情绪都会变得很激动。”
But for many, silence is the spawn of fear. There are widening concerns in the Australian government and in immigrant communities that the Chinese government is watching and listening, ready to apply pressure on those who do not toe the Communist Party line.
但是对很多人来说,沉默来源于恐惧。澳大利亚政府和移民社团都越来越担忧,中国政府正在澳大利亚监听、监视,并淮备好对那些不走共产党路线的人施压。
Paul Lin, president of the Australian Taiwanese Friendship Association, said that there were several people believed to be Chinese agents snapping photos of people at the Sydney Taiwan Festival in 2016.
林柏梧是澳洲台湾同乡会的主席。他说在2016年的悉尼台湾日嘉年华会期间,有几个疑似中国间谍的人在活动期间对着与会者拍照。
Chinese students at Australian universities have also reported close monitoring by their peers, and say the pressure to conform on the issue of Taiwan has been intense in classrooms, at work and on social media.
根据报道,在澳大利亚高校学习的中国学生也被他们的同学严密监控。中国学生称,不论是在课堂上、工作中还是在社交媒体上,在台湾问题上和北京保持一致的压力越来越大
悉尼台湾学校里的孩子。这里的周末课程主要是关于语言和文化的。
悉尼台湾学校里的孩子。这里的周末课程主要是关于语言和文化的。 David Maurice Smith for The New York Times
“The problem is they think Sydney is Beijing,” said Mr. Lin, a businessman who moved to Australia in 1990, referring to the Chinese government and its loyalists. “They’re doing more and more watching and interfering. And they’re getting better at it.”
“问题在于,中国政府和其拥护者认为悉尼就是北京,”林柏梧说,他是一位在1990年来到澳大利亚的商人。“监视和干涉活动越来越多,他们也变得越来越高明。”
Australia’s mainland-born population has grown rapidly — doubling since 2006 to about 510,000 people — and with the the Taiwanese population hovering at less than a tenth of that, an imbalance has emerged. Chinese business owners can easily make Taiwanese workers feel marginalized and vulnerable.
居住在澳大利亚,但在中国大陆出生的人口增速极快——自2006年起增长了一倍,于2016年达到51万人——与此同时,在澳台湾人口一直在大陆人口的十分之一弱左右徘徊,不平衡由此出现。中国企业主可以很容易地让台湾务工人员感到脆弱和被排挤。
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Mr. Lin said that for Chinese immigrants who still have family and business interests in China, discriminating could be “an entry point,” a way to show loyalty to Beijing.
林先生说,对于在中国还有家庭和商业利益的中国移民来讲,歧视可能是一个“切入点”,是一种向北京表忠心的方式。
Ms. Tuan’s experience provides a glimpse of how that power dynamic works.
从段曼姿的经历中,可以看出这种权力格局是如何运作的。
Her story became public when Ms. Tuan, who goes by Winnie in Australia, published a Facebook post about her experience on Jan. 9, the day she was fired. That post, in which she named the restaurant, HuTong Hot Pot, and a supervisor she called Mr. Ha, quickly went viral on Chinese social media.
在1月9日被解雇当天,她在脸书上用她在澳大利亚常用的名字Winnie发帖,点出这家餐厅的名字“胡同涮肉”和当时的经理“哈总”。这个帖子迅速蹿红,她的故事也变成了一起公众事件。
China’s Global Times — a state news media outlet — published an article the following day, asking readers: “What do you think about this incident, mainland netizens?”
中国官方媒体《环球时报》在次日发表文章问它的读者:“大陆网友们,这事,你怎么看?”
The editors, leaving little to chance, added that The Global Times “would like to go to Sydney, and give ‘Mr. Ha’ a thumbs up!”
然后,编辑不留余地地补充道,《环球时报》“想去悉尼,给‘哈总’点个赞!”
悉尼的查茨伍德区很受中国移民的欢迎。这里在中国大陆出生的人口达到约51万,自2006年起增长了一倍多。
悉尼的查茨伍德区很受中国移民的欢迎。这里在中国大陆出生的人口达到约51万,自2006年起增长了一倍多。 David Maurice Smith for The New York Times
More than a dozen Chinese news outlets republished the article.
十余家中国媒体转载了这篇文章。
Later that week, a post from the restaurant appeared on Weibo, China’s version of Twitter: “It is fate and a privilege,” the message said, “to have people who respect us coming to dine at our restaurant.”
几天后,涉事餐厅在中国版的Twitter平台微博上表示,“能来咱铺子里站一站的人,那是缘分人;能到咱铺子里坐一坐的人,那是瞧得起咱的人;能到咱铺子里吃饭的人,那是照顾咱的人。”
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The comments section was filled with praise and promises to visit.
这条微博的评论区充满了赞美和表示会前来就餐的承诺。
During the lunch rush one day last week, the restaurant was packed.
在上周的午餐高峰时段,这家餐厅内人满为患。
Asked about Ms. Tuan’s departure, a young manager said, “The company told us we’re not commenting.”
被问到关于段曼姿的离开,一位年轻的经理说,“公司说这件事情我们不回应。”
Ms. Tuan, 29, said in an interview that other comments on social media were supportive of her cause.
29岁的段曼姿在采访中说,社交媒体上的其他评论都很支持她。
“People could relate,” she said.
“大家都有相似的经历,”她说。
They included Daniel Chang, 28. A hairdresser working in Melbourne, Mr. Chang said he never received a callback from a salon that had seemed eager to hire him until he mentioned he was Taiwanese.
这包括28岁的张鼎达,一位在墨尔本工作的美发师。张鼎达说之前有一位发廊老板本来显得很想雇佣他,可当他提起自己是台湾人之后,发廊就再没回音了。
Jade Liao, 26, ran afoul of a customer. She said that in 2016, at a shoe store where she worked, a Chinese student berated her after she answered a question about whether Taiwan was part of China.
26岁的廖简德(音)曾和一位顾客起了冲突。她说2016年,当她在一家鞋店工作时,她被问到台湾是否属于中国。一名中国留学生在听到她的回答后怒斥了她。
“She started yelling, and pointed a finger at me,” Ms. Liao said. “I couldn’t hold back my tears after she left.”
“她突然大吼用手指着我,”廖简德说。“事后我默默觉得很委屈,很不受尊重而掉泪。”
Many other Taiwanese workers described similar experiences — mostly young women on working holiday visas.
很多来自台湾的务工人员描述过相似的经历,他们中大部分人都是持打工度假签证的年轻女性。
More than 12,000 of these visa holders come to Australia each year from Taiwan, and they are known to be part of a vulnerable cohort that is regularly paid below the minimum wage — an issue that Australia’s Fair Work Ombudsman has made a priority, assessing penalties against employers of various backgrounds.
每年,超过一万两千名打工度假签证持有者从台湾来到澳大利亚。众所周知,这一人群往往属于工资达不到最低标淮的弱势群体。澳大利亚公平工作调查专员(Fair Work Ombudsman)已经在评估对各类雇主的处罚力度,重点保证这一群体可以拿到合法工资。
A spokesman for the agency, however, said it had not undertaken any enforcement actions for discrimination against Taiwanese workers, or any other group, based on their political opinions.
然而,一位公平工作调查专员的发言人说,该组织还未采取任何手段来制止因政治观念造成的,对来自台湾或其他地区务工人员的歧视。
Mr. Li, of the Australian Taiwanese Friendship Association, and many others in the Taiwanese community said Australia must do more to address the issue.
澳洲台湾同乡会的林柏梧和很多其他来自台湾社区的人都表示,澳大利亚必须为解决这个问题作出更多努力。
Without more effort, Mr. Lin said, China will continue to erode Australia’s “fair go” culture of democracy and equality.
否则的话,林柏梧说,中国将会继续腐蚀澳大利亚“机会均等”的民主和平等的文化。
“They are helping China erase the values that Taiwan and Australia share: democracy, human rights and the rule of law,” Mr. Lin said in a Sydney shopping mall flush with signs in Mandarin. “This is invisible. But this is fundamental.”
“他们在帮中国抹去台湾和澳大利亚共享的价值:民主、人权和法制,”林柏梧在悉尼一间充满了简体字招牌的商场里说,“这是无形的,但这是根本的。”