WASHINGTON — Spurned by many foreign allies, ridiculed by adversaries, disliked by a significant number of his own diplomats and trying to preserve his political future, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo last week offered an insight into his legacy as a commander of the Trump administration’s scorched-earth foreign policy by citing a seminal moment in his personal history.
华盛顿——被许多外国盟友唾弃,被对手嘲笑被自己手下的大批外交官厌恶还要试图保护自己的政治前途,国务卿迈克·庞皮欧(Mike Pompeo)上周援引自己个人历史中的一个重大时刻,让人们得以深入了解他作为特朗普政府焦土外交政策指挥官的遗产。
In 1983, when Mr. Pompeo was a cadet at the United States Military Academy at West Point, an Iranian-linked militia bombed the Marine barracks in Beirut, Lebanon, killing 241 American troops. By his own telling — “My life wouldn’t be the same after that,” Mr. Pompeo said on Tuesday, in his last public speech in office — it was a powerful indoctrination for a young soldier in training to protect the United States from deadly enemies.
1983年,庞皮欧还是美国西点军校(United States Military Academy at West Point)学员时,一个与伊朗有关的民兵组织轰炸了黎巴嫩贝鲁特的海军陆战队军营,造成241名美国士兵死亡。用他自己的话说——“从那之后,我的生活就不一样了,”周二,庞皮欧在任内最后一次公开演讲中说——这对一名正在受训的年轻士兵来说是一种有力的教育,让他明白,要保护美国免受致命敌人的攻击。
Thirty-five years later, after becoming the 70th secretary of state in 2018, Mr. Pompeo embraced the same military mentality to confront the world. Foreign policies were described as “mission sets,” and his wife, Susan, was a “force multiplier” in disarming dignitaries and families of State Department employees.
时隔35年,于2018年成为第70任国务卿后,庞皮欧在面对世界时也抱着同样的军事思维。他将外交政策描述为“任务组”,他的妻子苏珊(Susan)则是让达官贵人和国务院雇员家属放松戒备的“火力倍增器”。
Mr. Pompeo dismissed the power of persuasion, instead trying to strong-arm European leaders, taunting rulers in China and Iran, and working to keep dictators off-balance, including negotiating with the North Korean leader Kim Jong-un but not President Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela.
庞皮欧不相信说服的力量,而是试图对欧洲领导人施加高压,嘲弄中国和伊朗的统治者,努力让独裁者失去平衡,包括与朝鲜领导人金正恩(Kim Jong-un)谈判,但不与委内瑞拉总统尼古拉斯·马杜罗(Nicolas Maduro)谈判。
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But by rejecting the traditional role of predictable diplomacy and mirroring President Trump’s own style, Mr. Pompeo’s strategy backfired, according to foreign policy analysts and a large cohort in the State Department.
但外交政策分析人士和国务院的一大批人认为,庞皮欧拒绝了可预测外交的传统作用,还模仿特朗普总统本人的风格,这些令他的战略产生了适得其反的效果。
As he leaves office, Mr. Pompeo, 57, has been tagged by a number of officials and analysts with the dubious distinction of the worst secretary of state in American history. That will come back to haunt him as he considers running for president in 2024 or seeking another elected office, as he is widely believed to be doing.
57岁的庞皮欧即将离任,许多官员和分析人士给他贴上了可能是美国历史最糟糕国务卿标签。当他考虑在2024年竞选总统,或像外界普遍认为的那样寻求其他民选职位时,这个标签将再次困扰他。
“The glass is far more empty than it is full,” said Richard Fontaine, the president of the Center for a New American Security and a former diplomat who advised Senator John McCain’s presidential campaign as the Republican nominee in 2008.
“这杯水,空的部分远多于满的部分,”新美国安全中心(Center for a New American Security)主席理查德·方丹(Richard Fontaine)说。他曾是一名外交官,2008年担任过共和党总统候选人约翰·麦凯恩(John McCain)的竞选顾问。
Mr. Fontaine noted that Iran is now closer to building a nuclear bomb and that North Korea has more nuclear weapons than it did at the beginning of the Trump administration. Relations with key European leaders, the United Nations and other diplomatic and economic alliances are in worse shape. The United States has less standing to promote democracy and human rights in the world than it did four years ago, according to many career diplomats.
方丹指出,伊朗现在离制造核弹更近了一步,而朝鲜拥有的核武器比特朗普政府刚上台时更多。与欧洲主要领导人、联合国以及其他外交和经济联盟的关系更加糟糕。许多职业外交官认为,与四年前相比,美国在促进世界民主和人权方面的地位有所下降
And Mr. Pompeo’s role in enabling the president’s shadow foreign policy in Ukraine — undermining years of United States support to ward off Russian military aggression — raised concerns among lawmakers during House impeachment hearings in late 2019 about whether his loyalty to Mr. Trump outweighed American security interests.
庞皮欧帮助总统在乌克兰实行影子外交政策——这削弱了美国多年来对抵御俄罗斯军事进犯的支持——在2019年底的众议院弹劾听证会上,议员们担心他对特朗普的忠诚是否超过了对美国安全利益的忠诚。
Mr. Pompeo is not the first military man to become the country’s chief diplomat: Colin L. Powell had retired as a four-star Army general before becoming President George W. Bush’s secretary of state in 2001. Mr. Powell’s tenure was forever stained by his citing of faulty intelligence to urge the invasion of Iraq in 2003 — what he has called “painful” and a “blot” on his record — but he is widely viewed as more of a statesman than Mr. Pompeo.
庞皮欧并不是第一位成为美国首席外交官的军人:科林·L·鲍威尔(Colin L. Powell)在2001年成为乔治·W·布什(George W. Bush)总统的国务卿之前,曾是陆军四星上将。鲍威尔援引错误的情报,促使美国于2003年入侵伊拉克,这给他的任期永远蒙上了污点,他称这是他个人记录上的“痛苦”和“污点”,但人们普遍认为他比庞皮欧更像一个政治人士。
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For political purposes, Mr. Pompeo might hope to be remembered as a key player in Mr. Trump’s administration — a designation that is far more tarnished abroad than it is with hard-core Republicans who care little about foreign policy in elections. After the storming of the Capitol by Mr. Trump’s supporters this month, however, a growing number of Republican officials have sought to distance themselves from the departing president.
出于政治目的,庞皮欧可能希望人们记住他是特朗普政府中的关键人物——比起不太关心选举中外交政策的铁杆共和党人,这样的称号在国外要糟糕得多。然而,在特朗普的支持者本月冲击国会大厦之后,越来越多的共和党官员寻求与即将离任的总统保持距离
Notably, Mr. Pompeo has not, although people close to him said he was appalled by the attack. Instead, he has continued a barrage of daily Twitter posts that began Jan. 1 to herald what he called his foreign policy successes, echoing Mr. Trump’s campaign slogans.
值得注意的是,庞皮欧并没有这样做,尽管接近庞皮欧的人说他对这次袭击感到震惊。相反,他继续每天在Twitter上发一连串帖子——始于1月1日——称赞他所谓的外交政策的成功,呼应特朗普的竞选口号
Mr. Pompeo was at the fore of the Trump administration’s crackdown on China, Iran and Venezuela, using a mix of economic sanctions and provocative policy shifts to reshape global strategy against each.
在特朗普对中国、伊朗和委内瑞拉的压制中,庞皮欧冲在最前面,使用经济制裁和挑衅政策调整相结合的方式来重塑针对每个对手的全球战略。
That was especially the case for China, as Mr. Pompeo emerged as the administration’s most vocal critic of Beijing. He took every opportunity to highlight China’s human rights abuses of Uighur Muslims and other ethnic minorities and, as a parting shot, he is now considering whether to declare them acts of genocide.
对于中国而言尤其如此,庞皮欧成为政府中最激烈的北京批评者。他抓住一切机会强调中国对维吾尔族穆斯林和其他少数民族的侵犯人权行为,作为离开前的最后一击,他现在正在考虑是否宣布这些行为属于种族灭绝。
He has also led global condemnation of Beijing’s expansionist ambitions and oppression in Hong Kong, Taiwan and the South China Sea. Other nations, however, have refused to follow the United States’ withdrawal from the World Health Organization, which stripped funding from the U.N. agency during the coronavirus pandemic, which Mr. Pompeo insisted on calling the “Wuhan virus,” again echoing Mr. Trump.
他还领导全球谴责北京的扩张主义野心和对香港、台湾和南海的压迫。然而,其他国家拒绝跟随美国从世界卫生组织撤出的决定在新冠病毒大流行期间从该联合国机构撤资,庞皮欧坚持称这种病毒为“武汉病毒”,再次与特朗普相呼应。
In dealing with Venezuela, Mr. Pompeo marshaled about 60 countries against Mr. Maduro after disputed elections and battered the government in Caracas with sanctions. But Mr. Maduro has remained in power.
在委内瑞拉问题上,庞皮欧在有争议的选举后召集了约60个国家反对马杜罗,并对在加拉加斯的政府进行了制裁。但是马杜罗仍然掌权。
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In Europe, Mr. Pompeo is credited with helping to strengthen NATO as a bulwark against Russia, including through increased military spending. Alexander R. Vershbow, a former NATO deputy secretary-general who was also a former United States ambassador to Russia and South Korea and an assistant defense secretary, said Mr. Pompeo had helped protect NATO from Mr. Trump’s “contempt for the allies and bullying tactics.
在欧洲,通过增加军费开支等方式,庞皮欧被认为有助于加强北约(NATO)作为对抗俄罗斯的堡垒。北约前副秘书长,同时也是美国前驻俄罗斯和韩国大使、国防部长助理亚历山大·R·韦什伯(Alexander R.Vershbow)表示,庞皮欧已帮助北约免受特朗普“藐视盟友和欺凌策略”的侵害。
Mr. Pompeo also deployed shuttle diplomacy to warm relations between Israel and states in the Middle East and North Africa as part of the Abraham Accords, the administration’s signature foreign policy achievement. But those peace pacts were largely brokered by Jared Kushner, the president’s senior adviser and son-in-law.
庞皮欧还使用穿梭外交,以增进以色列与中东北非国家之间的关系,这是《以阿和平协议》(Abraham Accords)的一部分——该届政府在外交政策上的标志性成就。但是,这些和平协议很大程度上是由总统的高级顾问、女婿贾里德·库什纳(Jared Kushner)促成的。
Mr. Pompeo has steadfastly supported Israel by defying internationally recognized norms, such as by moving the American Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem and declaring Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights and the legitimacy of West Bank settlements. As an evangelical Christian — a group that makes up a key conservative political constituency — Mr. Pompeo has sometimes framed actions against Iran in religious terms linked to Israel and biblical prophecy.
庞皮欧通过违反国际公认的准则坚定地支持以色列,例如将美国驻以色列大使馆迁至耶路撒冷,并宣布以色列对戈兰高地的主权西岸定居点的合法性。作为一个福音派基督教徒——保守派政治选民的一个重要组成部分——庞皮欧有时用与以色列和圣经预言有关的宗教语言描述对伊朗的行动。
Mr. Pompeo was among Mr. Trump’s advisers who pushed for military strikes against Iran, which the president resisted in June 2019 but allowed in January 2020 to kill a top Iranian general who was in Iraq. Still, Mr. Pompeo reversed himself in November, among a group of senior officials — including Vice President Mike Pence; Christopher C. Miller, the acting defense secretary; and Gen. Mark A. Milley, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff — who countered the president’s request for strike options against Iran with a warning that it could easily escalate into a broader conflict in the last weeks of Mr. Trump’s presidency.
庞皮欧是推动对伊朗军事打击的特朗普的顾问之一,总统在2019年6月对此表示拒绝,但在2020年1月同意击杀一名在伊拉克的伊朗高级将领。尽管如此,庞皮欧在11月反转了自己的立场,与一群高级官员——包括副总统迈克·彭斯(Mike Pence)、代理国防部长克里斯托弗·C·米勒(Christopher C. Miller)、以及参谋长联席会议主席马克·A·米莱(Mark A. Milley)将军——一起,对总统寻求打击伊朗的要求进行了反对,警告说,在特朗普担任总统职位的最后几周,这很容易升级为更广泛的冲突。
Mr. Pompeo has described himself as a disciple of “realism, restraint and respect” — an approach advocated by his longtime financial backer, Charles G. Koch, a conservative billionaire whose network of donors gave more campaign contributions to Mr. Pompeo than to any other congressional candidate in the country in four House elections from 2010 to 2016.
庞皮欧形容自己是现实主义、克制和尊重的信徒——这是他长期以来的金主查尔斯·G·科赫(Charles G. Koch)倡导的方式。在2010至2016年的四次众议院选举中,保守派亿万富翁科赫的捐款关系网为庞皮欧提供的竞选捐款,比给美国其他国会候选人的都要多。
As secretary of state, Mr. Pompeo has hardly been secretive about his political future — first eyeing a Senate campaign from Kansas, his adopted home state, and then fueling expectations that he might run for governor in 2022 or president in 2024. His turbulent tenure at the State Department was characterized by a series of investigations, some of which continue, including whether he violated ethics laws by engaging in political activity while on the job.
作为国务卿,庞皮欧几乎毫不遮掩在政治前途上的打算——先是盯上了他的第二家乡堪萨斯州的参议员席位,然后燃起人们对他可能在2022年竞选州长或在2024年竞选总统的期望。他在国务院的任期充满动荡和一系列调查,其中一些仍在继续,包括他通过在任职期间从事政治活动违反了操守法规