WASHINGTON — Spurned by many foreign allies, ridiculed by adversaries, disliked by a significant number of his own diplomats and trying to preserve his political future, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo last week offered an insight into his legacy as a commander of the Trump administration’s scorched-earth foreign policy by citing a seminal moment in his personal history.
华盛顿——被许多外国盟友唾弃,被对手嘲笑被自己手下的大批外交官厌恶还要试图保护自己的政治前途,国务卿迈克·庞皮欧(Mike Pompeo)上周援引自己个人历史中的一个重大时刻,让人们得以深入了解他作为特朗普政府焦土外交政策指挥官的遗产。
In 1983, when Mr. Pompeo was a cadet at the United States Military Academy at West Point, an Iranian-linked militia bombed the Marine barracks in Beirut, Lebanon, killing 241 American troops. By his own telling — “My life wouldn’t be the same after that,” Mr. Pompeo said on Tuesday, in his last public speech in office — it was a powerful indoctrination for a young soldier in training to protect the United States from deadly enemies.
1983年,庞皮欧还是美国西点军校(United States Military Academy at West Point)学员时,一个与伊朗有关的民兵组织轰炸了黎巴嫩贝鲁特的海军陆战队军营,造成241名美国士兵死亡。用他自己的话说——“从那之后,我的生活就不一样了,”周二,庞皮欧在任内最后一次公开演讲中说——这对一名正在受训的年轻士兵来说是一种有力的教育,让他明白,要保护美国免受致命敌人的攻击。
Thirty-five years later, after becoming the 70th secretary of state in 2018, Mr. Pompeo embraced the same military mentality to confront the world. Foreign policies were described as “mission sets,” and his wife, Susan, was a “force multiplier” in disarming dignitaries and families of State Department employees.
Mr. Pompeo dismissed the power of persuasion, instead trying to strong-arm European leaders, taunting rulers in China and Iran, and working to keep dictators off-balance, including negotiating with the North Korean leader Kim Jong-un but not President Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela.
庞皮欧不相信说服的力量,而是试图对欧洲领导人施加高压,嘲弄中国和伊朗的统治者,努力让独裁者失去平衡,包括与朝鲜领导人金正恩(Kim Jong-un)谈判,但不与委内瑞拉总统尼古拉斯·马杜罗(Nicolas Maduro)谈判。
But by rejecting the traditional role of predictable diplomacy and mirroring President Trump’s own style, Mr. Pompeo’s strategy backfired, according to foreign policy analysts and a large cohort in the State Department.
As he leaves office, Mr. Pompeo, 57, has been tagged by a number of officials and analysts with the dubious distinction of the worst secretary of state in American history. That will come back to haunt him as he considers running for president in 2024 or seeking another elected office, as he is widely believed to be doing.
“The glass is far more empty than it is full,” said Richard Fontaine, the president of the Center for a New American Security and a former diplomat who advised Senator John McCain’s presidential campaign as the Republican nominee in 2008.
“这杯水,空的部分远多于满的部分,”新美国安全中心(Center for a New American Security)主席理查德·方丹(Richard Fontaine)说。他曾是一名外交官,2008年担任过共和党总统候选人约翰·麦凯恩(John McCain)的竞选顾问。
Mr. Fontaine noted that Iran is now closer to building a nuclear bomb and that North Korea has more nuclear weapons than it did at the beginning of the Trump administration. Relations with key European leaders, the United Nations and other diplomatic and economic alliances are in worse shape. The United States has less standing to promote democracy and human rights in the world than it did four years ago, according to many career diplomats.
And Mr. Pompeo’s role in enabling the president’s shadow foreign policy in Ukraine — undermining years of United States support to ward off Russian military aggression — raised concerns among lawmakers during House impeachment hearings in late 2019 about whether his loyalty to Mr. Trump outweighed American security interests.
Mr. Pompeo is not the first military man to become the country’s chief diplomat: Colin L. Powell had retired as a four-star Army general before becoming President George W. Bush’s secretary of state in 2001. Mr. Powell’s tenure was forever stained by his citing of faulty intelligence to urge the invasion of Iraq in 2003 — what he has called “painful” and a “blot” on his record — but he is widely viewed as more of a statesman than Mr. Pompeo.
庞皮欧并不是第一位成为美国首席外交官的军人:科林·L·鲍威尔(Colin L. Powell)在2001年成为乔治·W·布什(George W. Bush)总统的国务卿之前,曾是陆军四星上将。鲍威尔援引错误的情报,促使美国于2003年入侵伊拉克,这给他的任期永远蒙上了污点,他称这是他个人记录上的“痛苦”和“污点”,但人们普遍认为他比庞皮欧更像一个政治人士。
For political purposes, Mr. Pompeo might hope to be remembered as a key player in Mr. Trump’s administration — a designation that is far more tarnished abroad than it is with hard-core Republicans who care little about foreign policy in elections. After the storming of the Capitol by Mr. Trump’s supporters this month, however, a growing number of Republican officials have sought to distance themselves from the departing president.
Notably, Mr. Pompeo has not, although people close to him said he was appalled by the attack. Instead, he has continued a barrage of daily Twitter posts that began Jan. 1 to herald what he called his foreign policy successes, echoing Mr. Trump’s campaign slogans.
Mr. Pompeo was at the fore of the Trump administration’s crackdown on China, Iran and Venezuela, using a mix of economic sanctions and provocative policy shifts to reshape global strategy against each.
That was especially the case for China, as Mr. Pompeo emerged as the administration’s most vocal critic of Beijing. He took every opportunity to highlight China’s human rights abuses of Uighur Muslims and other ethnic minorities and, as a parting shot, he is now considering whether to declare them acts of genocide.
He has also led global condemnation of Beijing’s expansionist ambitions and oppression in Hong Kong, Taiwan and the South China Sea. Other nations, however, have refused to follow the United States’ withdrawal from the World Health Organization, which stripped funding from the U.N. agency during the coronavirus pandemic, which Mr. Pompeo insisted on calling the “Wuhan virus,” again echoing Mr. Trump.
In dealing with Venezuela, Mr. Pompeo marshaled about 60 countries against Mr. Maduro after disputed elections and battered the government in Caracas with sanctions. But Mr. Maduro has remained in power.
In Europe, Mr. Pompeo is credited with helping to strengthen NATO as a bulwark against Russia, including through increased military spending. Alexander R. Vershbow, a former NATO deputy secretary-general who was also a former United States ambassador to Russia and South Korea and an assistant defense secretary, said Mr. Pompeo had helped protect NATO from Mr. Trump’s “contempt for the allies and bullying tactics.
在欧洲,通过增加军费开支等方式,庞皮欧被认为有助于加强北约(NATO)作为对抗俄罗斯的堡垒。北约前副秘书长,同时也是美国前驻俄罗斯和韩国大使、国防部长助理亚历山大·R·韦什伯(Alexander R.Vershbow)表示,庞皮欧已帮助北约免受特朗普“藐视盟友和欺凌策略”的侵害。
Mr. Pompeo also deployed shuttle diplomacy to warm relations between Israel and states in the Middle East and North Africa as part of the Abraham Accords, the administration’s signature foreign policy achievement. But those peace pacts were largely brokered by Jared Kushner, the president’s senior adviser and son-in-law.
庞皮欧还使用穿梭外交,以增进以色列与中东北非国家之间的关系,这是《以阿和平协议》(Abraham Accords)的一部分——该届政府在外交政策上的标志性成就。但是,这些和平协议很大程度上是由总统的高级顾问、女婿贾里德·库什纳(Jared Kushner)促成的。
Mr. Pompeo has steadfastly supported Israel by defying internationally recognized norms, such as by moving the American Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem and declaring Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights and the legitimacy of West Bank settlements. As an evangelical Christian — a group that makes up a key conservative political constituency — Mr. Pompeo has sometimes framed actions against Iran in religious terms linked to Israel and biblical prophecy.
Mr. Pompeo was among Mr. Trump’s advisers who pushed for military strikes against Iran, which the president resisted in June 2019 but allowed in January 2020 to kill a top Iranian general who was in Iraq. Still, Mr. Pompeo reversed himself in November, among a group of senior officials — including Vice President Mike Pence; Christopher C. Miller, the acting defense secretary; and Gen. Mark A. Milley, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff — who countered the president’s request for strike options against Iran with a warning that it could easily escalate into a broader conflict in the last weeks of Mr. Trump’s presidency.
庞皮欧是推动对伊朗军事打击的特朗普的顾问之一,总统在2019年6月对此表示拒绝,但在2020年1月同意击杀一名在伊拉克的伊朗高级将领。尽管如此,庞皮欧在11月反转了自己的立场,与一群高级官员——包括副总统迈克·彭斯(Mike Pence)、代理国防部长克里斯托弗·C·米勒(Christopher C. Miller)、以及参谋长联席会议主席马克·A·米莱(Mark A. Milley)将军——一起,对总统寻求打击伊朗的要求进行了反对,警告说,在特朗普担任总统职位的最后几周,这很容易升级为更广泛的冲突。
Mr. Pompeo has described himself as a disciple of “realism, restraint and respect” — an approach advocated by his longtime financial backer, Charles G. Koch, a conservative billionaire whose network of donors gave more campaign contributions to Mr. Pompeo than to any other congressional candidate in the country in four House elections from 2010 to 2016.
庞皮欧形容自己是现实主义、克制和尊重的信徒——这是他长期以来的金主查尔斯·G·科赫(Charles G. Koch)倡导的方式。在2010至2016年的四次众议院选举中,保守派亿万富翁科赫的捐款关系网为庞皮欧提供的竞选捐款,比给美国其他国会候选人的都要多。
As secretary of state, Mr. Pompeo has hardly been secretive about his political future — first eyeing a Senate campaign from Kansas, his adopted home state, and then fueling expectations that he might run for governor in 2022 or president in 2024. His turbulent tenure at the State Department was characterized by a series of investigations, some of which continue, including whether he violated ethics laws by engaging in political activity while on the job.