In the last days of the battle against the Islamic State group in Syria, when members of the once-fierce caliphate were cornered in a dirt field next to a town called Baghuz, a U.S. military drone circled high overhead, hunting for military targets. But it saw only a large crowd of women and children huddled against a river bank.

美军与伊斯兰国组织在叙利亚的战斗步入尾声之时，曾经凶狠的哈里发国成员被逼到一片不毛之地，旁边是一个叫做巴格兹的小镇。一架美国军用无人机在高空盘旋，寻找军事目标。但它只看见河岸边挤着一大群妇女和儿童。

Without warning, a U.S. F-15E attack jet streaked across the drone’s high-definition field of vision and dropped a 500-pound bomb on the crowd. Then a jet dropped one 2,000-pound bomb, then another.

在没有发出任何警告的情况下，一架美国F-15E攻击机从无人机的高分辨率视像中掠过，向人群投下了一枚500磅的炸弹。然后另一架飞机投下了一枚2000磅的炸弹，接着又是一枚。

It was March 18, 2019. At the U.S. military’s busy Combined Air Operations Center at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar, uniformed personnel watching the live drone footage looked on in stunned disbelief.

这是2019年3月18日。在卡塔尔乌代德空军基地繁忙的美军联合空中作战中心，穿着制服的军人们看着无人机的实时镜头目瞪口呆，感到难以置信。

“Who dropped that?” a confused analyst typed on a secure chat system being used by those monitoring the drone. Another responded, “We just dropped on 50 women and children.”

“谁投的？”一名困惑的分析师在无人机监控人员使用的加密聊天系统上写道。另一人回应说：“我们刚刚向50名妇女和儿童扔了炸弹。”

An initial battle damage assessment quickly found that the number of dead was actually about 70.

初步的战损评估很快发现，死亡人数实际上在70人左右。

The Baghuz strike was one of the largest civilian casualty incidents of the war against the Islamic State, but it has never been publicly acknowledged by the U.S. military. The details, reported here for the first time, show that the death toll was almost immediately apparent to military officials. A legal officer flagged the strike as a possible war crime that required an investigation. But at nearly every step, the military made moves that concealed the catastrophic strike. The death toll was downplayed. Reports were delayed, sanitized and classified. U.S.-led coalition forces bulldozed the blast site. And top leaders were not notified.

巴格兹空袭是对抗伊斯兰国战争中最大的平民伤亡事件之一，但美军从未公开承认过。由本报首次报道的详细信息表明，军方官员几乎在第一时间就掌握了死亡人数。一名法务官员将空袭标记为需要进行调查的潜在战争罪行。但军方几乎在事发后的每一步都在设法掩盖这场灾难性的空袭。死亡人数被低估了。报告被拖延、粉饰、列为机密。以美国为首的联军用推土机推平了爆炸现场。没有告知高层领导人。

The Defense Department’s independent inspector general began an inquiry, but the report containing its findings was stalled and stripped of any mention of the strike.

国防部的独立监察长开始了调查，但包含调查结果的报告被搁置，并且完全没有提及空袭。

“Leadership just seemed so set on burying this,” said Gene Tate, an evaluator who worked on the case for the inspector general’s office and agreed to discuss the aspects that were not classified.

参与了此案的监察长办公室评估员吉恩·泰特同意讨论未被列为机密的方面。他说：“领导层似乎一心要掩盖住这件事。”

Tate, a former Navy officer who had worked for years as a civilian analyst with the Defense Intelligence Agency and the National Counterterrorism Center before moving to the inspector general’s office, said he criticized the lack of action and was eventually forced out of his job.

泰特是一名前海军军官，在进入监察长办公室之前曾在国防情报局和国家反恐中心担任文职分析员多年，他说，他批评人们对此事缺乏作为，最终被迫离职。

The details of the strikes were pieced together by The New York Times over months from confidential documents and descriptions of classified reports as well as interviews with personnel directly involved and officials with top secret security clearances who discussed the incident on the condition that they not be named.

《纽约时报》花费数月组织空袭的细节，信息来自机密文件和机密报告的描述，以及对直接参与人员和拥有最高机密安全许可的官员的采访。他们要求匿名作为讨论该事件的条件。

The Times investigation found that the bombing had been called in by a classified U.S. special operations unit, Task Force 9, which was in charge of ground operations in Syria. The task force operated in such secrecy that at times it did not inform even its own military partners of its actions. In the case of the Baghuz bombing, the U.S. Air Force command in Qatar had no idea the strike was coming.

时报的调查发现，轰炸的命令是由负责叙利亚地面行动的美国机密特种作战部队第九特遣队下达的。特遣队的运作属于高度机密，有时甚至不向友军通报其行动。在巴格兹轰炸案中，驻卡塔尔的美国空军司令部不知道会有空袭。

After the strike, an alarmed Air Force intelligence officer in the operations center called over an Air Force lawyer in charge of determining the legality of strikes. The lawyer ordered the F-15E squadron and the drone crew to preserve all video and other evidence. He went upstairs and reported the strike to his chain of command, saying it was a possible violation of the law of armed conflict — a war crime — and regulations required a thorough, independent investigation.

空袭发生后，作战中心一名惊慌失措的空军情报官员致电负责确定空袭合法性的空军律师。律师命令F-15E中队和无人机小组保存所有视频和其他证据。他向上层逐级汇报了这次空袭，称这可能违反了武装冲突法——一项战争罪，而且其违规将导致需要进行彻底、独立的调查。

But a thorough, independent investigation never happened.

但彻底、独立的调查始终没有进行。

This past week, after the Times sent its findings to U.S. Central Command, which oversaw the air war in Syria, the command acknowledged the strikes for the first time, saying 80 people were killed but the airstrikes were justified. It said the bombs killed 16 fighters and four civilians. As for the other 60 people killed, the statement said it was not clear that they were civilians, in part because women and children in the Islamic State sometimes took up arms.

在《纽约时报》将调查结果发送给负责监督叙利亚空战的美国中央司令部后，上周，该司令部首次承认了空袭，称有80人丧生，但空袭是合法的。司令部表示炸弹炸死了16名战士和四名平民。至于其他60人，声明表示不清楚他们是否是平民，部分原因是伊斯兰国的妇女和儿童有时也会拿起武器。

The only assessment done immediately after the strike was performed by the same ground unit that ordered the strike. It determined that the bombing was lawful because it killed only a small number of civilians while targeting Islamic State fighters in an attempt to protect coalition forces. Therefore, no formal war crime notification, criminal investigation or disciplinary action was warranted.

空袭后立即进行的唯一一次评估由下令空袭的同一地面部队展开。评估确定轰炸是合法的，因为是以伊斯兰国武装人员为目标，以保护联军，同时只有少数平民丧生。因此，不需要正式的战争罪通报、刑事调查或纪律处分。

But the Air Force lawyer, Lt. Col. Dean Korsak, believed he had witnessed possible war crimes and repeatedly pressed his leadership and Air Force criminal investigators to act. When they did not, he alerted the Defense Department’s independent inspector general. Two years after the strike, seeing no evidence that the watchdog agency was taking action, Korsak emailed the Senate Armed Services Committee.

但空军律师迪恩·科尔萨克中校认为他所目睹的可能是一场战争罪行，并多次敦促他的领导层和空军刑事调查人员采取行动。当他们没有这样做时，他通知了国防部的独立监察长。空袭发生两年后，科尔萨克没有见到监督机构采取行动的迹象，他给参议院军事委员会发送了电子邮件。

Korsak did not respond to requests for comment.

科尔萨克未回应置评请求。

The United States portrayed the air war against the Islamic State as the most precise and humane bombing campaign in its history. The military said every report of civilian casualties was investigated and the findings reported publicly, creating what the military called a model of accountability.

美国将针对伊斯兰国的空战描绘成其历史上最精确、最人道的轰炸行动。军方表示，每一份平民伤亡报告都经过调查，并且公开报告了调查结果，开创了军方所说的问责模式。

But the strikes on Baghuz tell a different story.

但从巴格兹空袭中看到的情况完全不是这样。

The details suggest that while the military put strict rules in place to protect civilians, the Special Operations task force repeatedly used other rules to skirt them.

一些细节表明，虽然军方制定了严格的规则来保护平民，但特种作战特遣队反复使用其他规则来绕过它们。

Even in the extraordinary case of Baghuz — which would rank third on the military’s worst civilian casualty events in Syria if 64 civilian deaths were acknowledged — regulations for reporting and investigating the potential crime were not followed, and no one was held accountable.

即使在不同寻常的巴格兹事件中——如果确认有64名平民死亡，将是美军在叙利亚第三严重的平民伤亡事件——报告和调查潜在犯罪的规定没有得到遵守，也没有人被追究责任。

Nearly 1,000 strikes hit targets in Syria and Iraq in 2019, using 4,729 bombs and missiles. The official military tally of civilian dead for that entire year is only 22, and the strikes from March 18 are nowhere on the list.

2019年，美军使用4729枚炸弹和导弹对位于叙利亚和伊拉克的目标进行了近1000次袭击。据官方军事统计，那一年的平民死亡人数仅为22人，而3月18日那天的空袭不在名单之列。

The battle at Baghuz represented the end of a nearly five-year U.S.-led campaign to defeat the Islamic State in Syria. On the ground, Task Force 9 coordinated offensives and airstrikes. The unit included soldiers from the 5th Special Forces Group and the Army’s elite commando team Delta Force.

在美国领导下，在叙利亚打击伊斯兰国的战斗持续了将近五年，巴格兹空袭标志着战斗的结束。第九特遣队在地面协调进攻和空袭。该部队包括来自第五特种部队群的士兵和陆军精锐突击队三角洲部队。

Over time, some officials overseeing the air campaign began to believe that the task force was systematically circumventing the safeguards created to limit civilian deaths.

随着时间的推移，一些监督空袭行动的官员开始相信，特遣部队正在系统地规避旨在限制平民死亡的保障措施。

The process was supposed to run through several checks and balances. Drones with high-definition cameras studied potential targets, sometimes for days or weeks. Analysts pored over intelligence data to differentiate combatants from civilians. And military lawyers were embedded with strike teams to ensure that targeting complied with the law of armed conflict.

这个过程本应经过多方制衡。配备高清摄像头的无人机研究潜在目标，有时持续数天或数周。分析人员仔细研究情报数据以区分战斗人员和平民。突击队里安置了军事律师，以确保目标符合武装冲突法。

But there was a quick and easy way to skip much of that oversight: claiming imminent danger.

但是有一种快速简便的方法可以跳过大部分监督：声称面临迫在眉睫的危险。

The law of armed conflict — the rule book that lays out the military’s legal conduct in war — allows troops in life-threatening situations to sidestep the strike team lawyers, analysts and other bureaucracy and call in strikes directly from aircraft under what military regulations call an “inherent right of self-defense.”

武装冲突法——列出了军队在战争中的合法行为的规则手册——允许处于危及生命的情况下的部队跳过突击队的律师、分析员和其他官僚机构，并根据军事法规所称的“自卫的天然权利”直接从飞机上发起空袭。

Task Force 9 typically played only an advisory role in Syria, and its soldiers were usually well behind the front lines. Even so, by late 2018, about 80% of all airstrikes it was calling in claimed self-defense.

第九特遣队通常只在叙利亚发挥顾问作用，队员通常远离前线。即便如此，到2018年底，它所发起的所有空袭中约有80%声称是出于自卫。

The rules allowed U.S. troops and local allies to invoke it when facing not just direct enemy fire, but anyone displaying “hostile intent.” Under that definition, something as mundane as a car driving miles from friendly forces could in some cases be targeted. The task force interpreted the rules broadly, the former officer said.

美国军队和当地盟友不只是在面对敌人的直接火力时可以启用该规则，而是在任何表现出“敌意”的情况下都可以。在这个定义下，甚至连距离友军几公里外的一辆汽车这样普通的东西都可能成为攻击目标。这位前官员说，特遣队对规则的解读十分宽泛。

CIA officers working in Syria grew so alarmed over the task force’s strikes that agents reported their concern to the Department of Defense inspector general, which investigated the claims and produced a report. The results of that report are top secret, but a former task force officer said the CIA officers alleged that in about 10 incidents, the secretive task force hit targets knowing civilians would be killed. The former officer said the report determined that all the strikes were legal.

在叙利亚工作的中央情报局官员对特遣队的空袭感到非常震惊，以至于特工向国防部监察长报告了他们的担忧，监察长对这些指控进行了调查并撰写了报告。该报告的结果成了最高机密，但一名前特遣队官员表示，中央情报局官员声称，秘密特遣队在明知将有平民遇害的情况下仍发起打击的情况有10起。这位前官员说，报告确定所有空袭都是合法的。

The inspector general declined to release the report or discuss its findings.

监察长拒绝公布报告或讨论其调查结果。

The camp at Baghuz was effectively the Islamic State’s Alamo — a last stand where hard-core militants vowed to fight to the death. The coalition had laid siege, hoping to starve the fighters out. In six weeks, 29,000 people, most of them women and children, surrendered. On March 18, drone footage showed the camp still harbored large numbers of people suspected of being fighters and their families.

巴格兹的营地实际上相当于伊斯兰国的阿拉莫——一个发誓要战斗到死的顽固激进分子的最后据点。联军开始围困这些武装人员，想要用饥饿迫他们就范。在六周内，2.9万人投降，其中大多数是妇女和儿童。3月18日，无人机拍摄的画面显示，该营地仍有大量人员，疑为武装人员及其家属。

Coalition drones had scoured the camp 24 hours a day for weeks and knew nearly every inch, including the daily movements of groups of women and children.

数周内，联军无人机每天24小时搜寻营地，几乎了解每一寸土地，包括妇女和儿童群体的日常动向。

What happened on the morning of March 18 is in dispute.

3月18日上午发生的事情存在争议。

That day Islamic State fighters trapped in the camp launched a predawn counteroffensive, according to Central Command, which oversaw Task Force 9. It said hundreds of Islamic State fighters started firing rifles and grenade launchers and sending forward fighters with suicide vests. The coalition pummeled the fighters with airstrikes — so many that by midmorning, the coalition had used all the missiles on its drones. Only one U.S. drone, controlled by the task force, was left in the area, and it was unarmed.

据负责监督第九特遣部队的中央司令部称，当天被困在营地的伊斯兰国战士发动了黎明前的反攻。数百名伊斯兰国战士开始用步枪和榴弹发射器攻击，并派遣身穿自杀背心的战士前进。联军进行了空袭——空袭十分猛烈，以至于到晌午时分，联军已经用尽了无人机上的所有导弹。只有一架由特遣队控制的美国无人机留在该地区，而且没有携带武器。

At about 10 a.m., local Syrian forces reported they were under fire and in danger of being overrun and called for an airstrike, Central Command said. The task force drone tracked a group of fighters as they made their way through the camp to the area where the women and children sheltered.

中央司令部说，上午10点左右，叙利亚当地军队报告说，他们遭到炮火袭击，有被占领的危险，并请求发起空袭。特遣队无人机跟踪了一群战士，他们穿过营地到达妇女和儿童的庇护所。

A 5th Special Forces Group officer in the task force looked at the drone footage and did not see any civilians. But the drone he relied on had only a standard-definition camera. Central Command said there were no high-definition drones in the area that could get a better view of the target.

特遣队第五特种部队的一名军官查看了无人机画面，没有看到任何平民。但他的观察凭借的是一架只配备了标清摄像头的无人机。中央司令部表示，该地区没有可以更好地观察目标的高清无人机。

The Special Forces officer gave the order to fire. With no precision missiles left, the ground commander called in 500- and 2,000-pound bombs. The strike log classified the strike as self-defense.

特种部队军官下令开火。由于精准导弹已用尽，地面指挥官调来了500磅和2000磅的炸弹。空袭日志将空袭归类为自卫。

In fact, a high-definition drone was available. The task force did not use it. Circling above, it was streaming footage of the same patch of ground to the operations center in Qatar. Because the task force operated at a high level of secrecy, the people in Qatar watching the high-definition drone were not aware the task force was about to call in a strike.

但其实有一架高清无人机。特遣队没有使用它。它在上方盘旋，正在将同一区域的画面传输到卡塔尔的行动中心。由于特遣队在高度保密的情况下运作，在卡塔尔观看高清无人机的人并不知道特遣队即将发起空袭。

Central Command said the task force did not know that the better drone was overhead.

中央司令部表示，特遣队并不知道更高清的无人机就在头顶。

The high-definition drone recorded a very different scene from what was described by Central Command this past week. In it, two or three men — not 16 — wander through the frame. They have rifles but do not appear to be maneuvering, engaging coalition forces or acting in a way that would seem to justify a self-defense strike with 2,000-pound bombs. A chat log used by analysts who were watching the footage noted the presence of women, children and a man with a gun but did not mention any active combat.

高清无人机记录了一个与中央司令部上周所描述的截然不同的场景。在其中，两三个男人在画面中徘徊，而非16个人。他们携带步枪，但似乎没有拿起来用或在与联军交战，或是有值得用上2000磅炸药的举动。观看录像的分析人士使用的聊天记录指出，有妇女、儿童和一名持枪男子，但没有提到任何实际作战。

Moments after the task force called in the strike, an F-15E attack plane hit the spot with a 500-pound bomb. Five minutes later, when ground forces saw people fleeing the blast site, the F-15E dropped two 2,000-pound bombs on the survivors. The entire attack took 12 minutes.

在特遣队下令空袭后不久，一架F-15E攻击机用一枚500磅的炸弹击中了现场。五分钟后，当地面部队看到人们逃离爆炸现场时，F-15E向第一次爆炸的幸存者投下了两枚2000磅的炸弹。整个攻击持续了12分钟。

Defense Department regulations require any “possible, suspected or alleged” violation of the law of armed conflict to be reported immediately to the combatant commander in charge as well as criminal investigators, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the secretary of defense and the secretary of the Army.

国防部的规定要求任何“可能、涉嫌或被控”违反武装冲突法的行为都应立即报告给负责的作战指挥官以及刑事调查人员、参谋长联席会议、国防部长和陆军部长。

After viewing the footage, Korsak ordered the units involved to preserve nine pieces of evidence, including video, and reported the strike to his chain of command. He also notified the command of concerns that the unit appeared to be covering up the alleged war crimes violations by adding details to the strike log that would justify a self-defense strike. Commanders did not take action.

在观看了录像后，科尔萨克命令相关单位保存包括视频在内的九件证据，并向上逐级报告了这次空袭。他还向指挥部通报了自己的关切，称该部队似乎在通过在空袭日志中添加细节以证明自卫空袭的正当性，从而掩盖涉嫌战争罪的行为。指挥官没有采取行动。

Coalition forces overran the camp that day and defeated the Islamic State a few days later.

当天联军占领了营地，并在几天后击败了伊斯兰国。

Civilian observers who came to the area of the strike the next day found piles of dead women and children.

第二天来到空袭地点的平民观察员发现了大批妇女和儿童的尸体。

Satellite images from four days later show the sheltered bank and area around it appeared to have been bulldozed.

四天后的卫星图像显示，这片起到掩体作用的河岸及其周围地区似乎已被夷为平地。

Concerned that details of the airstrike would be buried as well, Korsak alerted the Air Force’s version of the FBI, the Office of Special Investigations. A major responded that agents probably would not look into it.

由于担心空袭的细节也会随之灰飞烟灭，科尔萨克通知了空军的联邦调查局——特别调查办公室。一名少校回答说，探员可能不会就此事展开调查。

The Air Force Office of Special Investigations declined to comment.

空军特别调查办公室拒绝就本报道置评。

Korsak again pressed his chain of command to act, informing his command’s chief legal officer in a memo in May 2019 that regulations required an investigation. His superiors did not open an investigation.

在2019年5月的一份备忘录中，科尔萨克再次敦促他的指挥系统采取行动，他通知指挥部的首席法务官，指出按规定需要就此展开调查。他的上司并没有采取行动。

Unwilling to let the issue drop, Korsak filed a hotline complaint with the inspector general’s office in August 2019.

科尔萨克不甘心这件事不了了之，于是在2019年8月拨打监察长办公室热线投诉。

A four-person team in the office was already looking into shortcomings in the civilian casualty reporting processes in Syria and quickly set up an interview in a secure setting. After reviewing the high-definition footage and interviewing Korsak, the team, which included Tate, told superiors in the inspector general’s office that the allegation of a war crime was “extremely credible.”

该办公室的一个四人小组已经在调查叙利亚平民伤亡报告流程中的缺陷，于是立刻安排双方在一个在加密环境下举行面谈。在查看了高清视频并询问了科尔萨克之后，包括泰特在内的调查组对监察长办公室的上级说，有关战争罪的指控是“极其可信的”。

But like the Air Force lawyer’s earlier effort, Tate’s team soon hit roadblocks. Central Command was slow to turn over evidence. Tate obtained video from several drones flying over Baghuz that day but could not locate the footage from the task force drone that called in the strike.

但跟空军律师早先的努力一样，泰特的团队很快也遇到了阻碍。中央司令部迟迟不交出证据。泰特获得了当天飞越巴格兹的几架无人机的视频，但找不到呼叫空袭的特遣部队无人机的视频。

Tate studied the task force’s casualty report, but it did not match what he saw on video. The civilian deaths stated in the report were “an impossibly small number,” he said.

泰特研究了特遣部队的伤亡报告，但与他在视频中看到的情况不符。他说，报告中提到的平民死亡人数“少得令人难以置信”。

The final section of the casualty report was reserved for the legal opinion. In one version of the report that Tate was sent by the staff at Operation Inherent Resolve, the Baghdad-based military command overseeing operations in Iraq and Syria, a task force lawyer and an operations officer wrote that a violation of the law of armed conflict may have taken place. In another copy that came from Central Command, he said, that opinion had been removed.

伤亡报告的最后一节是法律意见书。“坚定决心”行动的工作人员发给泰特的报告版本中，一名特遣部队律师和一名行动官员写道，可能发生了违反武装冲突法的事情。该机构位于巴格达，负责监督在伊拉克和叙利亚的军事行动。泰特说，另一份来自中央司令部的版本中，该意见被删除。

Tate could find no evidence that the Joint Chiefs, the defense secretary or criminal investigators had been alerted, as required.

泰特找不到参谋长联席会议、国防部长或刑事调查人员已经按照要求接到了通知的证据。

Within days of interviewing Korsak, Tate’s team took their findings to supervisors and told them the office was required to alert those officials and criminal investigation agencies. Tate said his supervisors took no action. The team pressed leaders numerous times over the next several months, and in January 2020, Tate’s team leader drafted a memo that would formally alert authorities. It only needed to be signed by the deputy inspector general overseeing the team. Tate said the supervisor did not sign it.

在与科尔萨克面谈后的几天里，泰特的团队将他们的发现交给上级主管，并告诉他们，根据要求，办公室必须知会那些官员和刑事调查机构。泰特说，他的主管没有采取任何行动。在接下来的几个月里，该团队多次向上级领导施压，2020年1月，泰特的团队负责人起草了一份备忘录，正式向当局发出通报。这份报告只需要该小组的直属副监察长签字。泰特说，那名主管没有签。

In the months that followed in 2020, the team finished its report on broader issues in the civilian casualty reporting process, but as it went through the editing and approval process, all mentions of the Baghuz strike were cut.

在2020年接下来的几个月里，该小组完成了关于平民伤亡报告流程中存在的更广泛问题的报告，但在编辑和批准过程中，所有提到巴格兹空袭的内容都被删除。

Tate became increasingly pointed in criticizing the leadership of the inspector general’s office. In October 2020, he said he was forced out of his position and escorted from the building by security.

泰特越来越尖锐地批评监察长办公室的领导。他说，2020年10月，他被迫离职，并被保安护送出了大楼。

A spokesperson for the inspector general’s office disputed Tate’s account. She said that it alerted the proper authorities at Central Command shortly after receiving the first hotline complaint in 2019. The spokesperson said the office also notified criminal investigators about the strike in October 2020, 14 months after receiving the hotline call.

监察长办公室发言人对泰特的说法表达了不同意见。她说，在2019年收到首个热线投诉后不久，办公室就通知了中央司令部的有关部门。该发言人表示，办公室还在2020年10月向刑事调查人员通报了空袭相关情况，这是在接到热线电话14个月后。

Tate refused to give up. He contacted the Senate Armed Services Committee in May and sent a 10-page letter describing the strike and what he viewed as a “systematic failure” on civilian casualty reporting. The committee then contacted Korsak, who replied with a detailed email.

泰特拒绝放弃。他在今年5月联系了参议院军事委员会，并发送了一封长达10页的信，描述了那次空袭情况，以及他认为在平民伤亡报告流程方面的“系统性失败”。委员会随后联系了科尔萨克，后者回复了一封详细的电子邮件。

Tate waited for months for the committee to call back and give him an indication that it was actively looking at the case. This past week, he said with a sigh that he was still waiting.

泰特等了好几个月才接到委员会的回电，表示委员会正在积极调查此案。上周，他叹了口气说，目前还在等待。